Copyright (c) 2009 Berkeley Electronic Press All rights reserved. http://www.bepress.com/wpsr Recent documents in World Political Science Review en-us Fri, 20 Nov 2009 09:56:39 PST 3600 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art15 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art15 Thu, 19 Nov 2009 15:47:59 PST This analysis of the political discourse during the democratic transition in Hungary 1989/90 turned to the question of the effects of the 'linguistic contexts' on the dynamics of political debates. The analysis is grounded on written sources of the diaries of the National Roundtable Talks and those of the Opposition Roundtable as well as some other written materials. After outlining the theoretical horizon of the concept of a political language, and the linguistic context in the Hungarian political culture of the late 1980s containing four political languages (national historical, realpolitical, ethnoradical, and technocratic) as well as three different modes of speaking about national history (independency, historical-legal, doctrine of St. Crown), the next step is a closer analysis of the dynamics of the debate on the presidential institution. Finally, we turn to a historical analysis. Zoltán G. Szücs http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art14 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art14 Tue, 17 Nov 2009 17:32:28 PST Through their actions to eliminate extreme poverty and preventable diseases in Africa, Irish musicians Robert (Bob) Geldof and Bono (Paul David Hewson) today form a visible and celebrated centre in the world of humanitarianism as 'political activists,' 'celebrity diplomats,' 'global Samaritans,' men who, to quote former World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, 'rock the establishment' (TIME 13.11.2006). Their contemporary calls to 'make poverty history' in Africa are so widely repeated and commonsensical that questions about the exceptionality of this humanitarian action itself rarely arise. In fact, despite the increasing visibility of celebrity humanitarianism, no research on their representations and truth-claims has been done among political scientists. By broadening the concept of the political to include the 'low' politics of celebrities, specifically their discourses, practices, ideals and world constructions, the aim of this article is to critically examine how Bob Geldof and Bono - the two most visible and celebrated Western spokespersons acting on behalf of Africa - constitute 'Africa' in their representations not only as a place, but also as serving purpose in the world system.The article argues that, while Geldof and Bono do push for economic changes for Africa, the spatio-temporality of their imaginaries and interpretations on Africa elaborate a colonial imaginary by (re)producing Africa as a specifically Western project and calling. By repeating and circulating the vocabulary of humanitarianism as a moral duty in combination with the engagement in power politics, these discourses not only serve a purpose in the maintenance of hegemonic Western activity in Africa, but are also instrumental in constructing consensus for the existing world order, where the global South is, and remains, in a subordinate position to the West. Riina Yrjölä http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art13 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art13 Fri, 04 Sep 2009 16:48:23 PDT The vice presidency is probably the most unappreciated and underestimated institution of American democracy. Often the target of gibes, it has nevertheless undergone a radical transformation over time. Vice presidents are now almost always considered for the presidency. Moreover, since World War II, most of them have had presidential ambitions. What factors account for the fact that the vice-presidency has become a potential breeding ground for future presidents? To answer this question, I initially examine the external changes that have affected the vice-presidential functions. Secondly, I compare four contemporary vice presidents (Nixon, Ford, Mondale and Bush) to determine whether their management style is linked to their presidential prospects. Finally, I discuss other considerations that could explain why the vice presidency is a significant asset for those who seek the presidency. Karine Prémont http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art12 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art12 Wed, 26 Aug 2009 18:16:59 PDT On December 27, 1951, Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru sent John F. Dulles a letter that explained "Counter Infiltration" against China. Yoshida thought the best way to wean Chinese from the Communist regime was by sending people into China through trade activities and encouraging an anticommunist movement in China. He believed that Japan could have a major role in such an operation. The purpose of this paper is to examine Yoshida's "Counter Infiltration" plan against China from the standpoint of intelligence. Yoshida, taking a special interest in intelligence, established intelligence organs such as the Public Security Intelligence Agency and the Cabinet Research Office (CRO) in quick succession soon after the San Francisco Peace Treaty went into effect in April 1952. Worried about indirect aggression from communist countries, Yoshida concentrated his efforts on developing an interior intelligence framework. At the same time, he tried to foster the growth of a Japanese intelligence organization that could gather information and perform covert operations in Mainland China.This study shows that Yoshida proactively tried to strengthen intelligence cooperation with governments of both Taiwan and the United States. Yoshida appointed Ogata Taketora Chief Cabinet Secretary and made him supervisor of Japanese intelligence organs. Ogata urged the Nationalist government on Taiwan to cooperate in establishing a Communist information exchange organ, and asked the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for assistance in creating a Japanese CIA. On the other hand, Yoshida let retired lieutenant General Tatsumi Eiichi recruit ex-military personnel for service in the CRO. With the assistance of Tatsumi, the CRO started actual intelligence activity against China after January 1953. The CRO interrogated repatriates from China, and proposed a joint operation with the CIA to send Japanese agents into Macao. Thus Yoshida tried to establish a Japanese intelligence system and backed U.S. strategy against China in the intelligence field.Yoshida's idea, however, was frustrated by rapid changes at home and abroad. After the Peace Treaty came into force, Yoshida couldn't maintain a firm hold on power. Not only the opposition parties but also the media criticized Ogata's plan to launch a Japanese CIA. In the end, Ogata had no choice but to downscale his ambitious plans, and eliminate overseas covert operations. Moreover, Yoshida's confrontational approach against the Chinese government was criticized for being behind the times after the Indochina armistice in 1954. In the last days of his ministry, Yoshida encouraged both Britain and U.S. to set up a "high command" on China in Singapore. His aim was to use overseas Chinese based in Southeast Asia to infiltrate Mainland China, but his idea wasn't put into practice because he was unable to gain the support of either Britain and the United States or even his own entourage. Masaya Inoue http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art11 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art11 Wed, 24 Jun 2009 17:11:24 PDT The aim of this article is to review and evaluate the condition and the development perspectives of the relations between the E.U. and its Eastern neighbors. The problem is analyzed in the context of the recent discussion on the "Broader Europe" concept. The current dominant model of the relations between the E.U. and Eastern European countries is described in the article using the "circular discourse" and "circular interaction" terms. This article is aimed to reveal the initial theoretical and geo/political preconditions that helped this model to become the dominant theoretical and practical approach in the field of E.U.-East Europe relations, to uncover the logics of its functioning and the implications of its realization to Lithuania and the other new E.U. member states. Vytautas Radvilas http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art10 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art10 Mon, 08 Jun 2009 16:39:42 PDT How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed. Dag I. Jacobsen http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art9 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art9 Mon, 01 Jun 2009 13:31:37 PDT This paper theorizes the multiculturalization of national identity. Concentrating on the Canadian case, it examines newspaper discourses from the Globe and Mail and the Toronto Star during the 1990's. The analysis reveals that both Canada/USA comparisons and English Canada/Quebec comparisons play crucial roles for the construction of multicultural Canadian identity. The results from the empirical analysis are then used to nuance existing theories of multicultural nationalism. Elke Winter http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art8 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art8 Tue, 12 May 2009 08:04:43 PDT Political instability affects Israel's ability to govern itself. Many equate this instability with the problematic nature of its electoral institutions. This study examines the effects of the 1992 electoral institutions change by analyzing 1996 pre-election data and the actual 1999 electoral results. It argues that while policy-balancing theory and a decrease in the number of parties might have been a valid solution in a different context, in the Israeli case, due to its multi-dimensional political system, such an institutional change could not yield this outcome. Some concrete recommendations as to future changes are made. Hani Zubida http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art7 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art7 Thu, 30 Apr 2009 10:47:46 PDT The article analyses the specific features of energy policy-making, by exploring the relevant dimensions of the matters and the interdependence between energy policy and other sectors. A recognition of the evolution of energy policy - and of the policy change which occurred in recent years - is provided, as a starting point for applying the tools of policy studies to the analysis of energy policy-making. Two different types are then identified: the external policy-making concerning security matters; and the internal policy-making concerning organizational and market-related issues. It will be seen that each type of policy-making is characterized by a particular policy sub-system with its own actors, instruments, arenas and dynamics. Andrea Prontera http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art6 http://www.bepress.com/wpsr/vol5/iss1/art6 Mon, 20 Apr 2009 08:24:30 PDT The article explores organizational structures in public organizations that are the results of amalgamations of two or more public organizations. Focusing on the Danish Local Government Reform implemented in 2007, the main questions are whether the new municipalities have decided to organize themselves differently than their predecessors, and whether the interests of centrally placed actors affect such a decision. Data on the political and administrative organization of all Danish municipalities in 2005 and 2007 show that the number of organizational units grew considerably more in the 66 new municipalities than it did in the 32 municipalities whose territory was not changed because of the reform. The analyses show that the increased number of organizational units can in part be explained by new municipal tasks and increased workload due to the new structural conditions. An important part of the increase, however, was caused neither by task related, nor by structural changes. Alternatively, the increase may be explained by political norms stating that all relevant interests should be given a top post in the new organizations. Martin Baekgaard