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<title>Law &amp; Ethics of Human Rights</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2009 Berkeley Electronic Press All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr</link>
<description>Recent documents in Law &amp; Ethics of Human Rights</description>
<language>en-us</language>
<lastBuildDate>Wed, 07 Oct 2009 09:34:33 PDT</lastBuildDate>
<ttl>3600</ttl>





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<title>Collective Labor Rights and the European Social Model</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art5</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:05:33 PDT</pubDate>
<description>This article explores the tension between competing discourses within the European Union, as this regional trading bloc seeks to capture further gains from market integration, whilst simultaneously attempting to soften the social impact of regional competition within its borders.  This article analyzes the difficulty of maintaining the European social model, or a revised version of it, in the context of increased market integration.  Through a close reading of two cases decided by the European Court of Justice in 2007, the article interrogates the extent to which discourses on social rights at the EU level can be made sufficiently robust to ensure the application of international or national labor standards as a buttress against increasingly mobile capital, in order to prevent &#8220;social dumping.&#34;  It concludes, however, that the terms on which the foundational texts of the EU integration project operate--elevating &#8220;market&#34; rights to equal, fundamental, status with social and labor rights--means that the exercise of social rights such as the right to strike is ultimately contingent on their compatibility with market integration.</description>

<author>Diamond Ashiagbor</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>De-Territorializing Labor Law</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art4</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:05:29 PDT</pubDate>
<description>Labor law was traditionally a domestic project, defined on the basis of a geographic territory or a synthetic community; its norms were determined by the state and applied to employers and workers who resided within the state.  Commonly, labor law is administered on a territorial basis, applies to incoming workers, and stops at the borders in respect of other states' sovereignty when capital migrates.  Globalization affects the background in which labor law operates, including the increased interdependence of markets, the constitution of communities that transcend national borders, and the development of institutions outside and within the nation-state, which displace the locus of regulation from the traditional state level.  De-territoriality claims that territory and sovereignty should be understated within the dominion of labor law in order to correct a deep structural imbalance in labor markets.  This imbalance was not created by globalization, and as long as it appeared in a consistent yet bounded manner in each and every state, labor law's project was rendered possible by territorial arrangements.  With the process of globalization, the territorial solutions previously created within labor law are no longer adequate.  When territoriality is adhered to, migrating workers receive partial protection, while migrating capital can easily choose its most convenient forum as a means, inter alia, of undermining labor law's protection to workers.  De-territorialization seeks to restore the original intent of labor law's project, which is to level off the distinct strategies that are available to labor and capital in a globalized labor market.</description>

<author>Guy Mundlak</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Comment on Alan Hyde: The Perils of Economic Justifications for International Labor Standards</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art3</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:05:28 PDT</pubDate>
<description>This comment questions the relevance of the Stag Hunt model, employed by Alan Hyde in his contribution to this volume, to the context of international labor standards.  Despite Hyde's insistence to the contrary, it is argued that in some cases child labor could create a comparative advantage to developing countries.  This shows the difficulty with Hyde's reliance solely on market failures to justify international labor standards. The exclusion of other (non-economic) justifications results in an extremely diluted international labor law.</description>

<author>Guy Davidov</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>The International Labor Organization in the Stag Hunt for Global Labor Rights</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art2</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:04:05 PDT</pubDate>
<description>The International Labor Organization (ILO) is not an effective force for raising labor standards in the developing world and could become considerably more effective by taking account of two of the most important and interrelated recent theoretical developments in understanding labor standards.  First, countries derive no comparative advantage in the global trading system from most very low labor standards.  The ILO should therefore concentrate its energies on lifting these, rather than (as it so often does) concentrating on labor standards that are a source of comparative advantage, the elimination of which is resisted strongly and effectively.  Second, the tools of game theory may be used to identify the collective action problems that prevent countries from lifting their own labor standards, and create a role for a transnational agency that may assist them.</description>

<author>Alan Hyde</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Freedom of Association as a Core Labor Right and the ILO: Toward a Normative Framework</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art1</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:04:01 PDT</pubDate>
<description>Freedom of association operates as an organizational &quot;meta-norm,&quot; appreciated both as an independent value and as a touchstone for the institutional design of the International Labour Organization (ILO).  Despite the renewed interest of the ILO in various aspects of the norm, its understanding of freedom of association lacks a comprehensive normative framework.  This article presents such a conceptual framework and a critical in-depth analysis of current ILO freedom of association jurisprudence.  Freedom of association should be understood in terms of equitable dialogue (ED), a term offered and developed herein, as an understanding that is already partly embedded in ILO jurisprudence.</description>

<author>Faina Milman-Sivan</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Globalization and Social Justice: The Right to Minimum Wage</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss2/art6</link>
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<pubDate>Sat, 22 Aug 2009 22:02:33 PDT</pubDate>
<description>The weakening of mechanisms for international cooperation within the context of the right to minimum wage can be explained by the increasing power of new players, the transnational corporations on the one hand, and the waning of the  power of the state, on the other hand.  These processes of globalization produce various challenges to the modern welfare state, such as the ability to attain minimum wage.  This right is vital particularly to weakened workers that would otherwise be remunerated at a very low wage, which could likely lead to poverty.  This right poses, however, numerous challenges, in particular the ability of international labor law to define it across borders.    
The article describes three models for defining this right: the existential deficiency model, the welfare model, and the comfort model and analyzes the various forms regulating the right to minimum wage in international regulations, state regulations, and codes of conduct of transnational corporations examining the ramifications of globalization within the context of labor rights.  Moreover, the article suggests changes to international labor law, required to ensure that it functions as an effective instrument in protecting labor rights and proposes establishing regional parliaments--a supra-governmental body--composed of states and a broad array of interested private parties in its activities to establish fundamental principles relating to various areas of life, such as the basic rights of workers, taxation principles, and principles for protecting the environment.  These regional bodies would decide which of the various models used for shaping the right to minimum wage should be adopted as a fundamental principle.</description>

<author>Hani Ofek-Ghendler</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Voluntary Slavery and the Limits of the Market</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art5</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art5</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 20 Jan 2009 14:29:23 PST</pubDate>
<description>This paper considers the normative assessment of bonded labor from the perspectives of libertarianism and Paretian welfare economics.  I argue that neither theory can account for our objections to bonded labor arrangements; moreover, they fail in interesting ways.  Reflecting on their normative failures focuses us on other considerations besides individual choice and efficiency.  Such considerations include: the effects of labor markets on workers' preferences and capacities; the exploitation of the vulnerabilities of the poor; and the permanent binding of one person to another.</description>

<author>Debra Satz</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Comment on Brian Langille: &quot;What is International Labor Law For?&quot;</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art4</link>
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<pubDate>Tue, 20 Jan 2009 14:29:21 PST</pubDate>
<description>This comment on Brian Langille's article agrees with Langille's claim that inter-state competition should not be viewed as the main challenge to the global efforts to regulate labor rights.  The comment suggests, however, that there is another type of competition that poses a challenge, namely a transnational competition which takes place among sub-state actors.  Focusing on this &quot;transnational conflict paradigm,&quot; the ILO has the tools to engage domestic constituencies in an effort to promote labor rights within the respective member states.</description>

<author>Eyal Benvenisti</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>What is International Labor Law For?</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art3</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art3</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 20 Jan 2009 14:29:20 PST</pubDate>
<description>This Paper suggests that the answer to the question "what is domestic labor law for?"--commonly regarded as securing "justice against markets" or a justified tax on market activity--has informed the search for the answer for the question "what is international labor law for."  This is reflected in what this Paper refers to as P2, which provides that "the failure of any country to adopt humane conditions of labor is an obstacle in the way of other nations which desire to improve the conditions in their own countries."   P2 envisions a "race to the bottom" by rational states trapped in a Prisoner's Dilemma game.  The author maintains that this cannot be the objective of ILO which cannot stop "the race" given its deficient enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance.  This Paper suggests an alternative raison d'etre for the ILO, which is called P1, namely social justice: "universal peace can only be established if it is based upon social justice."  P1 reflects what states actually seek to achieve.  Following Sen, this Paper suggests that there is no tradeoff between social justice and economic efficiency.  Therefore the promotion of labor rights by the ILO will contribute both to social justice and to economic success.  Thus the ILO should promote international labor law so as to lead member states to pursue their self-interest which is consistent with the collective goal of humanity.</description>

<author>Brian A. Langille</author>


<category>Labor Rights in the Era of Globalization</category>

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<title>Comment on Mathias Risse: &quot;A Right to Work? A Right to Leisure? Labor Rights as Human Rights&quot;</title>
<link>http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art2</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://www.bepress.com/lehr/vol3/iss1/art2</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 20 Jan 2009 14:29:18 PST</pubDate>
<description>In his ambitious paper, Risse addresses many important topics ranging from very general issues about what human rights are to quite specific questions about rights to work and leisure. I comment on four themes arranged in order of decreasing generality: Risse's understanding of what human rights are, Risse's suggestion that a conception of human rights should best be &quot;basis-driven,&quot; Risse's particular basis-driven conception of human rights, and Risse's specific position on human rights relating to labor and leisure.What grounds can Risse give us for accepting his revisionist understanding of human rights as membership rights, which is so dramatically at odds with fundamental fixed points that have been taken for granted in human rights disputes over the last 60 years or so?  If Risse has his way, then the treatment of a human being by others raises human rights concerns only if she is a participant in the global order and only if her treatment is a matter of international concern. It is obvious how this understanding of human rights is welcome to those who seek to free their own conduct or their country's policies from human-rights constraints. Appealing to Risse's understanding, they will be able to block criticisms based on human rights by denying, for example, that the people of the Gaza Strip are members of the global order or by denying that the torture of Burmese citizens within Burma is a matter of international concern. For those whose human rights are in jeopardy, Risse's understanding of human rights could be a disaster. We should therefore examine very closely the arguments he may yet produce for his understanding and, unless they are hugely compelling, stick to the orthodox understanding of human rights as rights that all human beings have against all other human agents.</description>

<author>Thomas Pogge</author>


<category>Labor Rights and Globalization</category>

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